SOME of their candidates tell us that flooding is God’s vengeance for gay marriage; another tells us that women are “sluts”, and a few are caught making shockingly racist comments.

For good measure, their leader was accused – on a TV comedy show watched by millions – of the sort of expenses sleaze that has dragged down so many other politicians.

And yet, with three weeks to polling day, most experts agree the astonishing rise of the UK Independence Party (Ukip) will see it claim top spot in the European elections.

If that happens, Nigel Farage’s right-wing rebels will have delivered a mighty blow against all of British politics, not simply against David Cameron’s party.

And, if a new study is to be believed, this threat will only grow – here in the North- East, as much as in the Tory heartlands.

The book, Revolt on the Right, charts how Ukip is no longer simply an anti-EU pressure group but has broadened its appeal to claim more working class backing than any of the main parties. It is a “new political force” which has exploited growing disillusion with the entire political class and, crucially, according to academics in Manchester and Liverpool, it is “here to stay”.

The book argues that the Ukip revolt has been misunderstood by both media and politicians, who underestimate how much all Westminster is seen as “corrupt and distant”.

And this presents a particular problem for Ed Miliband, as more and more support is drawn from economically struggling voters who were once solidly Labour.

The book even takes a punt at the constituencies most likely to fall to Mr Farage’s insurgency at next year’s general election, including four in the North-East. It calculates a level of “Ukip attraction” in seats where pensioners and working-class voters are many and there are few university graduates, professionals and ethnic minorities.

On the list are Hartlepool (attraction score: 34.5), Bishop Auckland (34), South Shields (32.7) and Middlesbrough (28.2).

The report concludes: “Here, Ukip find their ideal combination. This cluster of declining and blue-collar seats on the East Coast may represent the best bet for a Ukip breakthrough. The party also has a strong presence in local government, having won some of its biggest 2013 victories in this part of the country.”

However, looking back to the 2010 general election, Ukip won only a tiny share of the vote in Hartlepool (seven per cent) and Bishop Auckland (2.7 per cent). True, its performance was much better in by-elections since then in South Shields (24.2 per cent) and Middlesbrough (11.8 per cent) – but it was still well beaten by Labour.

The academics agree the first-past-the-post system makes it very difficult for Ukip to win any seats at all, that it has “a mountain to climb”. Nevertheless, Ukip is clearly in the game in the North-East, for the first time.

WHAT have Kevan Jones (North Durham), Grahame Morris (Easington), Bridget Phillipson (Houghton and Sunderland South), Nick Brown (Newcastle East), Stephen Hepburn (Jarrow), Hugh Bayley (York Central), Ian Lavery (Wansbeck), Chi Onwurah (Newcastle Central) and Ronnie Campbell (Blyth Valley) got in common?

All were missing when the HS2 Bill was voted through this week, for a variety of reasons, I’m sure – but underlining the lack of support for the high-speed network in the region, nonetheless.